McAllister, called the “Duck Dynasty” congressman because of his defense of the Robertson family’s Christian values, issued a statement asking for forgiveness from God, his family, staff and constituents, and declared that he still plans to run for re-election. And the woman, a part-timer paid less than $22,000 a year who also received $300 from McAllister to clean out his campaign office? She was terminated as the story broke, the congressman’s chief of staff told another Louisiana paper.
It takes chutzpah to observe Equal Pay Day by sacking the low-wage employee you’ve been snogging.
Thus did Eric Cantor, the House majority leader, find himself fielding a question about McAllister, who has been in office for less than five months, at a news conference meant to highlight the party’s pro-women efforts. “I’m glad he issued an apology,” Cantor said.
Republicans aren’t responsible for McAllister any more than Democrats are to blame for Anthony Weiner. But for Republicans, who have a big disadvantage among unmarried women, this reinforces a perception. The Democrats’ accusation of a GOP “war on women” sticks not because of what Democrats say but because of what Republicans do — and the big problems aren’t personal pratfalls but rather public policy.
Cantor called on Democrats to “put the politics aside” and talk with Republicans about “things that we can do together, things that disproportionately impact women, without playing politics.” In the Senate, where Democrats were daring Republicans to vote against equal-pay legislation, Republican leader Mitch McConnell, told Democrats to drop “all the show votes.” Democrats are indeed making attempts to embarrass Republicans. The actions, including President Obama’s signing of executive orders to expose pay disparities by gender among federal contractors, are largely symbolic. The disparity is stubborn. According to the American Enterprise Institute, the 229 women who work in the White House are paid 88 cents on the dollar compared with the 232 men who do, a finding not disputed by the administration.
But when one side complains that the other is “playing politics,” it’s a safe bet that those doing the complaining are losing. Cantor and McConnell don’t seem to grasp that the war-on-women accusations aren’t made in a vacuum; they gain traction because of proposals Republicans are advancing. Consider Paul Ryan’s budget, which the House is debating this week. Among those functions of government his budget would cut, many disproportionately benefit women, according to the National Women’s Law Center. For example, Medicaid (about 70 percent of adult recipients are women), food stamps (63 percent of recipients are women) and Pell grants (62 percent) would be cut. Then there are programs in categories that would face cuts that Ryan hasn’t specified: Supplemental Security Income (two-thirds of the poor and elderly recipients are women), welfare (85 percent of adult recipients are women), housing vouchers (82 percent of recipient households headed by women), child-care assistance (75 percent female-headed households) and the Women, Infants, and Children nutrition program.
In contrast, payments that go disproportionately to men — active-duty military and veterans — are relatively untouched. The highest earners, disproportionately male, benefit most, while those receiving low-income tax credits, often families headed by women, would fare poorly.
Certainly, it doesn’t help the Republican image when Michael Hayden, who was CIA director during the George W. Bush administration, attempts to discredit Dianne Feinstein, the earnest and steady chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee, as “emotional.” Neither does it help when Breitbart News, a conservative outlet, runs ads featuring Nancy Pelosi’s head on an image of a woman twerking. Or when McAllister marks Equal Pay Day by firing the staffer he kissed.
But the indignities visited on a few women wouldn’t be a problem for Republicans if millions of other women weren’t also threatened with injury — by the clinical language of a budget resolution.
Dana Milbank is a Washington Post columnist.
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