French: A Cabinet selected on its skill in owning the libs

All errors are ignored. Their strength lies in surrendering fully to Trump, then praising him.

By David French / The New York Times

What do you see when you look at pictures of President Donald Trump’s Cabinet?

We’re used to partisan disagreement about Cabinet officials. Democrats are never going to be that impressed by a Republican Cabinet (and vice versa), but as with so many things, the perception gap between Republicans and Democrats has become so vast, it’s as if they inhabit different universes.

Trump’s critics — and I am one — look at the lineup and see, in essence, a group of people that bears far more resemblance to a collection of North Korean generals than it does to a traditional U.S. Cabinet.

And for good reason. Trump’s Cabinet meetings often feature the members publicly showering the president with praise, sometimes in the most absurd terms.

Pam Bondi, the attorney general, said in one Cabinet meeting that Trump was “overwhelmingly elected by the biggest majority.” Brooke Rollins, the agriculture secretary, said, “What you have assembled in your vision is a turning point and an inflection point in American history.” Marco Rubio, the secretary of state, said, “What you’re doing now I think is a great service to our country but ultimately to the world.”

There has been little indication that these Cabinet members exercise any independent judgment. Instead, they conform to Trump’s worldview and to Trump’s whims.

Rubio is among the worst offenders. Before Trump’s rise, he developed a reputation as an independent strategic thinker, committed to America’s global leadership. And now he’s the caretaker of a shrinking State Department who has turned into Trump’s willing accomplice as Trump undermines U.S. credibility and destroys U.S. alliances.

But where Trump’s critics see a wannabe dictator and his toadies, Trump’s supporters see something else. They see a commander and his generals. They see warriors.

To understand why, it’s important to know exactly how the political right is defining strength, courage and — perhaps most important of all — gratitude.

First, let’s talk about strength and courage. MAGA mythology requires both of those virtues to support Trump. His supporters see virtually every significant American institution as opposed to his rise. The mainstream media, the universities, Hollywood: They’re all united in opposition to Trump.

As a consequence, supporting Trump is an act of defiance in and of itself. This is one reason you see Trump supporters wearing clothing that says things such as “Lions, not sheep.” Trump is a lion, and his supporters are lions for standing beside him.

In this formulation, defying Trump would be an act of weakness. Because it’s what “they” want Trump’s Cabinet to do.

When you add Trump’s legal woes to the mix, the acts of alleged courage grow only more profound. After all, to belong to Trump’s team is to risk prosecution; the “weaponization” (as he and his law enforcement officers like to put it) of American justice.

Again, look at the matter from MAGA’s perspective. The history of Trump’s scandals — including two impeachments, a felony conviction, a defamation verdict and a finding that he was liable for sexual abuse — isn’t about Trump’s flaws, but rather about his opponents’ vindictiveness.

Add that perception to the genuine relief that he survived two assassination attempts, and you can see that Trump’s supporters don’t view gratitude as just acceptable. It’s mandatory. He’s the man who was impeached for them, prosecuted for them and shot at for them.

Or, as Trump has said at his rallies: “They’re not after me. They’re after you, and I just happen to be standing in their way.”

In this context, Trump’s Cabinet isn’t judged as much by its results as by its ability to trigger or enrage Trump’s opponents. If the media is angry, Trump’s base is happy. That means his supporters will cheer absurd pictures of the homeland security secretary, Kristi Noem, cosplaying as an immigration enforcement agent, holding a rifle and wearing a tactical vest, simply because it makes Trump’s opponents angry, because it upsets their vision of responsible, sober leadership.

That means they’ll judge Pete Hegseth, the defense secretary, not by his handling of classified information but by his handling of the mainstream media. In their view, the MSM is the enemy of the people, so part of Hegseth’s national security portfolio is defying it.

Trump is a singular figure. No one else in the Republican Party comes close to matching his influence and authority. In fact, I’ve never seen an American politician at any time match his influence and authority over the Republican base.

That reality means that we should expect this same dynamic to endure throughout Trump’s second term. His Cabinet will genuflect, his supporters will cheer and his opponents will roll their eyes in contempt.

But to describe the divide between Trump’s supporters and his critics isn’t to rationalize or justify his Cabinet’s sycophancy. The two competing positions are not equally valid. There is overwhelming evidence that Trump committed acts of misconduct that merited both impeachment and removal and criminal prosecution.

There is also overwhelming evidence that he’s not an economic or military genius, but instead often flies by the seat of his pants. The on-again-off-again tariff regimen is an ideal example. He loves tariffs, but he fears the consequences of his own policy, so we lurch wildly from statement to statement, depending on the fluctuations of the market.

Despite each mistake and each successive scandal, the Cabinet members cheer. After all, if they want to be seen as strong, they have to surrender to Trump. That is their only path.

This article originally appeared in The New York Times, c.2025.

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